I had hundreds of informal and repeated conversations with people from all walks of life and communities in these areas – shop keepers, ordinary residents, caretakers of local shrines and temples, policemen, local social workers and activists, and local elected representatives to the City council and other public fora. Some of these interactions turned into formal and recorded interviews, others remained at the level of everyday informal chats and banter. In addition to these regular interactions, I managed to identify fifteen households in each area that were willing to do longer and in-depth interviews, lasting from one to three hours.
I collected more than a hundred longer interviews (115) most of which (95) have been translated and transcribed, a material running into almost 2000 pages alone.
The survey covered 750 households who were asked 25 questions covering their family and migration history, the employment status, details about income, their house/dwelling, as well as more evaluative questions about their neighborhood/area. This survey is still being coded and analyzed and I expect to access the coded material in a few weeks.
Finally, I have collected more than 3000 newspaper clippings, as well as a very substantial number of shots/copies of official documents from the city administration (planning documents, regulations, circulars, etc.) as well as a considerable amount of ‘grey’ material – pamphlets, flyers, adverts, etc. – collected in the course of my fieldwork from local organizations and individuals. This material includes complete lists of voters’ rolls in the three neighborhoods I worked in (numbers range from 7,000 in the smallest to 15,000 individuals in the largest) that will allow for a rather fine-grained analysis of caste and community composition of these areas based on an estimation of names.
I took over as Chair of the Department of Anthropology on 9/1/2018. This will slow down my analysis and publication rate quite substantially in the short term. My plan is to publish a number of articles in professional journals devoted to urban studies, urban ethnography and anthropology. In the slightly longer perspective I am planning to retrieve, re-interpret and rewrite my older material (collected in 1990/91) and merge this material with my recent data into a longer book manuscript that demonstrates in empirical detail, and with comparative examples that the growth and social dynamics of provincial cities in India (and possibly elsewhere) are shaped primarily by an amplification of regional histories and social conflicts, rather than by the global forces of investment or industrial location, as is often suggested in the literature on the urbanizations across the global South.